28.6.06

Onde andam os fundos para o porto de Hera?

Uma amiga que está em Timor diz-me que os portugueses têm a sua quota parte de interesses menos honestos no país, referindo o facto de Ramos Horta, ao assumir a pasta da Defesa ter encontrado um buraco nas contas referente aos milhões doados por Portugal para a construção do Porto militar de Hera... parece que estarão na conta privada de alguns ministros de Timor-Leste.
Não entende também, a minha amiga, como é que esses fundos - que, supostamente terão vindo da União Europeia para Portugal - contam como ajuda bilateral e não comunitária.
Acho óptimo que se aproveite a ocasião para revelar esquemas e interesses menos claros de outras países e entidades relativamente a Timor-Leste, mas não consigo deixar de insistir que o grande problema neste momento é a invasão australiana, numa altura em que o governo daquele país exigiu um quartel general para três mil homens ao estado timorense - ou ao que resta dele.
Entretanto, Alkatiri foi, como se esperava, apoiado a cem por cento pela Fretilin. O homem foi eleito democraticamente e isso é inegável. Em finais do ano passado a Fretilin ganhava com quase 99 por cento as eleições de suco. As eleições foram seguidos por observadores. Afinal, o Ocidente não apoio os processos democráticos?

16.6.06

Austrália quer ser a América do Pacífico

Notícias sobre Timor. A Austrália, que, como se sabe, tem actualmente um governo de extrema direita, exerce as suas tendências imperialistas... à custa de um terra que já tanto sofreu à custa do outro vizinho do lado, a Indonésia. Em missões humanitárias não deveria ser permitida a utilização de tropas de países vizinhos, como regra. Se a ONU permitir mais este golpe de estado Australiano, apoiado pelos EUA, vou começar a dar outra atenção áqueles que apostam numa nova guerra fria como solução para o desiquílibrio de poder actual. Brevemente, a Europa terá de se afirmar como um grande poder...

Australian foreign minister unveils plans for the colonial occupation of East Timor
Wed, 2006-06-07 12:25
Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer visited East Timor last weekend and laid out the broad outlines of Canberra's plans to establish a long-term colonial-style occupation of the country. Downer arrived in Dili on Saturday amid continuing looting and violence by rival street gangs, despite the presence of an Australian-led force of more than 2,000 troops and police.
It is now clear that Canberra's military intervention was aimed, not at ending the disorder in Dili, much less at assisting the estimated 100,000 displaced persons living in squalid camps.
Rather its purpose has been to enable the Howard government to dictate terms to East Timor's leaders and preempt Australia's Asian and European rivals, most notably the former colonial power, Portugal.
The continuing chaos in Dili is serving as a useful political lever to achieve these ends. While Downer was in Dili, Australian Justice Minister Chris Ellison was at the UN in New York pressing for agreement with an ongoing Australian-led operation, along the lines of Canberra's takeover of the Solomon Islands in 2003. Under the guise of assisting a "failed state", Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomons Islands (RAMSI) controls all the main levers of executive power—finance, the police, courts and prisons—in the country.
Monday's Sydney Morning Herald provided details of Downer's three key proposals for a new UN mandate in East Timor. He argued firstly for "a large police force, comprising officers from a broad group of countries, preferably under an Australian commander."
"Second, it [Canberra] wants a more capable UN role in helping the East Timorese with governance and administration. East Timor has a budget surplus yet scant investment in vital infrastructure, shoddy systems of administration and justice, and no serious economic activity beyond the oil sector," the article explained.
Finally, Downer proposed that "a role for the UN in reconciliation of a shattered society".
In effect, the Howard government is demanding control of East Timor's administration via a large, permanent police presence, the installation of Australian officials in key positions of finance, justice and security, and the means for political manipulation via "reconciliation". Completely absent is any desperately-needed aid to provide basic services including welfare, education and health for the poverty-stricken country—one of the poorest in the world.
What "reconciliation" means is indicated by the ongoing efforts to oust Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, regarded as too closely aligned with Portugal. In less than a fortnight, Alkatiri has been compelled to cede substantial control over the country's security forces to President Xanana Gusmao and has lost two close allies—the defence and interior ministers—who have been forced to resign.
While Downer declared on Saturday that he would not take sides in East Timor's political conflict, Australia is obviously backing moves against Alkatiri. Yesterday, around 2,000 anti-Alkatiri demonstrators were shepherded into Dili by Australian troops to protest outside the current session of parliament and demand the sacking of the prime minister. At the same time, Major Alfredo Reinado, an anti-government "rebel leader", who, in other circumstances would be treated as a renegade and terrorist, is being feted by Australian military commanders, officials and media as a political leader-in-waiting.
The hypocrisy and cynicism of the military intervention is highlighted by the abrupt reversal of the Australian government's position on extending the UN mandate for East Timor. In early May, Washington and Canberra vigorously opposed calls from the East Timorese government and the UN special representative Sukehiro Hasegawa for a one-year extension of the UN Office for Timor-Leste (UNOTIL). UNOTIL had organised police, military and civilian advisers in all the areas outlined by Downer.
Both the Bush administration and the Howard government regarded UNOTIL as being too closely aligned with Alkatiri—and with Australia's rivals in Portugal and elsewhere. With UNOTIL's mandate due to expire on May 20, Washington and Canberra initially opposed any renewal, then, on May 12, reluctantly accepted a one-month extension.
On the same day, without informing Dili, Prime Minister Howard announced that Australian warships would be deployed to waters near East Timor, then boarded a plane for Washington. Less than a fortnight later, using the pretext of violence stirred up by figures such as Reinado, Australian troops began landing in Dili.
Now Downer is demanding a mandate for a long term UN presence—dominated by Australian officials and police. Not surprisingly, he has also called for the current UN representative Hasegawa to be replaced and has objected to Portuguese paramilitary police operating independently of Australian military command.
At a regional security conference last weekend, Australian Defence Minister Brendan Nelson called for Asian countries, including Singapore and South Korea, to contribute to the international force on East Timor—a transparent attempt to further dilute any Portuguese or European involvement.
A "weighter role" for Australia
While Downer was careful to use diplomatic language in Dili, Murdoch's Australian has felt no such constraint. In his comment last Saturday entitled "A weightier role in Dili", editor-at-large Paul Kelly drew attention to Downer's plan, endorsed by cabinet's National Security Committee, for "an Australian military-civilian strategy for East Timor's future". "This envisages that Australia will control military security in the short term through the Australia-led coalition that now exists and influence East Timor's military structure in the long run. The aim is to minimise the influence of the UN or other nations, notably Portugal, on East Timor's military structure," he explained. The UN could be confined to "a stronger civilian role in East Timor's governance, its civil service and its police."
Kelly, who had clearly been briefed by the government, made no bones about the object of the exercise. "The lesson Australia has drawn from the intervention is that its security views cannot be marginalised any longer as they were ignored at the time of independence. The feature of East Timor's brief history is that Portugal has exercised more influence than Australia, notably on its language, constitution and institutions. This is one of the reasons for its failure. It is obvious that as ultimate security guarantor, Australia must exert a greater authority," he wrote.
Kelly's call for Australia to become a regional hegemon was, however, quite restrained compared to what foreign editor Greg Sheridan penned on the same day. In his column entitled "Throw Troops at Pacific Failures", he argued for a far broader and more aggressive Australian role, writing: "Australian policy in the South Pacific has been undergoing an agonising and profound revolution, from hands-off respect for South Pacific sovereignty to deepening involvement. But it may be that we still have not conceived of our involvement in the most useful strategic terms."
Sheridan openly called for Canberra to use its power and influence to get rid of Alkatiri. "Certainly if Alkatiri remains Prime Minister of East Timor, this is a shocking indictment of Australian impotence. If you cannot translate the leverage of 1,300 troops, 50 police, hundreds of support personnel, buckets of aid and a critical international rescue mission into enough influence to get rid of a disastrous Marxist Prime Minister, then you are just not very skilled in the arts of influence, tutelage, sponsorship and, ultimately, promoting the national interest," he declared.
Sheridan went on to outline his vision for the region, insisting: "It is perhaps time that Australian conceived of itself as the 'US of the South Pacific'." He attempted to blunt the sharp edge of his message by referring to America's post war role in East Asia, but then continued: "Like the US in Asia, we should do this in part through a system of military deployments, though naturally we would not call them Australian bases... What I am arguing is that, as part of a wider program of assistance involving lots of Australian personnel operating in South Pacific government agencies, deployments of Australian soldiers should be semi-permanently stationed in East Timor, Solomon Islands and, if necessary, other regional basket cases."
Sheridan is simply stating what the Howard government is actually doing. Having secured the backing of the Bush administration by extending unconditional support for the US military subjugation of Afghanistan and Iraq, Australian imperialism is aggressively carving out its own sphere of influence in the South Pacific. Its strategy involves, not just transforming "failed states" into dependent vassals, but setting the course for broader inter-imperialist conflicts throughout the region.

8.6.06

Envolvimento do Banco Mundial e dos EUA

Eis a verdade....

SERÁ ASSIM????> Os soldados da GNR em Timor foram bloqueados> no quartel general, como era previsivel.> A verdade é que Timor foi invadida pelos> autralianos, que estão para ficar e declarar a> falência do estado timorense.Portugal tem a> obrigação de alertar a comunidade internacional para> isso, que já é demasiado evidente. No dia 25 de> Maio, reproduzi neste blog um interessante artigo> que me chegou de fonte muito bem informada.> Segundo essa fonte, estava em curso um golpe de> estado em Timor, comandado pelo presidente do Banco> Mundial, o falcão Paul Wolfowitz e pelos seus links> indonésios e australianos.Wolfowitz foi> embaixador dos Estados Unidos na Indonésia e tem> relações privilegiadas com os serviços de> inteligência de Jacarta, que, recentemente> conseguiram penetrar no Departamento Australiano de> Negócios Estrangeiros nos serviços secretos> australianos (ASIS), usando esquemas de blackmail> para descredibilizar pessoas importantes por alegado> envolvimento em casos de pedofilia.> Segundo esse artigo, a Woodside, a maior companhia> de petróleo e gás natural da Austrália, teve> recentemente uma disputa árdua com o governo de> Timor. Aconteceu algo de semelhante, recentemente,> no Curdistão, o que justificou um envolvimento de> tropas australianas na região.> O major Alfredo Reinado terá sido o homem contratado> pelos australianos para lançar a confusão em Timor,> visando a alteração dos contratos com a Woodside. Há> informações que indicam que ele recebeu apoio e> treino da parte de negociantes de armamento> australianos, com ligações à administração Bush e a> John Howard. Bush e Howard encontraram-se em> Washington antes do início da rebelião, ao que> parece para adaptar a Timor o modelo adoptado nas> Solomon, depois de ali se ter provocado uma guerra> civil. O modelo consiste em provocar uma rebelião,> para depois oferecer assistência militar e deixar> permanecer essa assistência até à exaustão dos> recursos e á declaração de falência do Estado.> Seria, a propósito, muito interessante saber quanto> custa por dia a Timor a assistência fornecida pela> Austrália.> Sintomático é o facto de o primeiro-ministro> australiano ter aparecido na televisão, logo num dos> primeiros dias a pedir a demissão de Mário Alkatiri.> E ainda mais sintomático é o facto de a mulher de> Xanana o ter acompanhado, quando o marido guardava o> mais veemente silêncio.> Outra informação relevante é a de que Xanana Gusmão> terá pedido apoio à Malásia depois de ter recusado> uma oferta de «ajuda» pela Austrália.Ao que parece> a reacção dos australianos foi a de forçarem a> «ajuda» entrando no território contra a vontade do> presidente timorense.> Depois de terem entrado no território os> australianos forçaram a aceitação da «ajuda» e> condicionaram a entrada de outras ajudas,> nomeadamente da Malásia e da Nova Zelândia.> O que está a acontecer com a GNR era de todo> previsível. Na lógica dos australianos, ou a GNR se> coloca sob o comando australiano ou será considerada> uma força hostil.> E deveria ter tido a sensibilidade para perceber que> o que se passa em Timor-Leste é uma disputa pelo> petróleo, em que participam, de forma activa e> concertada a Woodside e diversas firmas do universo> do ex-presidente Suharto, a ela aliadas e aliadas ao> presidente do Banco Mundial, Paul Wolfowitz.> Num pequeno país como Timor o custo de uma rebelião> é baixíssimo e altamente lucrativo, tomando em> consideração o valor das reservas petrolíferas.> Estamos, pela primeira vez no século XXI, perante um> golpe de estado à velha maneira americana.> Tenho poucas dúvidas de que os nossos GNR apoiados> pelas tropas fieis ao governo conseguiriam por termo> à rebelião e garantir a ordem constitucional.Mas> nada podem fazer contra o exército australiano que> os chacinará se tentarem bloquear os rebeldes que a> Austrália financiou. Hoje foi o primeiro aviso.> Portugal Global

GNR impedida de actuar

Como se previa os Aussis tomam conta do país. Não há notícia das cadeias de televisão ou dos jornais australianos que não aponte Alakatiri como o responsável pela violência no país e nese sentido a ONU já se ofereceu para investigar os acontecimentos de 28 de Abril. Lá chegarão à conclusão que foi o primeiro Ministro que mandou matar os manifestantes....
Entretanto os soldados autralianos queixam-se de que não recebem medalhas nem salário extra por estar em Díli, o que é desmotivante... deve ser por isso que deixam a cidade arder e não querem que a GNR actue.

Guarda impedida de sair de quartel em Díli pelo Governo português
Permanência da GNR em Timor-Leste pode estar em causa 07.06.2006 - 20h21 Lusa

A GNR está confinada ao seu quartel improvisado em Díli com ordens do Governo português para não sair para o terreno, devido a um bloqueio diplomático nas negociações com a Austrália sobre as cadeias de comando.
A decisão foi tomada depois de um incidente a meio da tarde de hoje, quando a GNR transportava dois detidos para o novo centro de detenção temporária guardado pelas tropas australianas. Porém, os militares australianos negaram-se a receber os detidos, questionando a legitimidade da GNR para proceder às detenções.O Governo português decidiu suspender todas as negociações técnicas no terreno sobre a actuação da GNR e as formas de coordenação com outras polícias e os militares australianos.Neste momento, decorrem negociações urgentes em Nova Iorque, segundo uma fonte governamental em declarações à Lusa, que confirma estar actualmente em causa a permanência da GNR em Díli, a não ser que o Presidente timorense, Xanana Gusmão, e o Governo timorense clarifiquem a actuação da força portuguesa no quadro do acordo bilateral assinado ente Lisboa e Díli que garante à GNR autonomia operacional.

Austrália tenta pôr Jakarta contra Alkatiri

Enquanto mil e duzentos soldados australianos deixam queimar Díli, o governo autraliano e a própria imprensa tentam pôr a Indonésia contra Alkatiri. Aqui fica um artigo de opinião sobre o assunto.
A Austrália e os E.U.A. terão o que querem? Aquilo por que andaram a envenenar e a comprar a juventude através das organizações internacionais nestes últimos anos?



Caution over Timor Leste
Jakarta Post, 7 June 2006
Loro Horta, Singapore
Australian media reports stated that embattled Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri accused Indonesia of being behind the current wave of violence in Timor Leste. Such statements were never made by Mari Alkatiri. What Alkatiri said was that some members of the former pro-Indonesian militias took advantage of the military crisis to create instability and panic.
Many of these former militias were able to return to the country under President Xanana Gusmao's reconciliation policy. Many former pro-autonomy people were also integrated into the police force under the same reconciliation strategy. These individuals are now taking advantage of the crisis to further exacerbate the situation. As even recognized by the Australian force commander, many of the gangs spreading terror thought Dili are well coordinated and have been using the now dead Timorese police network communication systems.
No doubt that former militias have been doing their best to exploit the situation and further undermine the government. However, there is no evidence that the Indonesian government or even marginal factions within the Indonesian Military (TNI) are involved. On the contrary, the Timorese government is extremely appreciative of the restraint and positive way in which Jakarta has responded to the crisis.
The Australian media, which in the last few days has assumed an openly anti-Alkatiri stance, now seems to be trying to create misunderstanding between the two nations as a way to further isolate Alkatiri. No doubts that Mari Alkatiri should take most of the responsibility for the crisis, and his arrogant style of leadership has not done any good to the country.
However, Alkatiri has stated on various occasions that he is concerned by the interference in Timor Leste of certain Western powers, never mentioning Indonesia. The prime minister was actually strongly opposed to asking Australia for military assistance in the current crisis, and it was also Alkatiri who requested Malaysian troops as a way to balance Canberra's influence. It was also the prime minister who asked Malaysia and not Australia to take over security along the border with Indonesia.
Many members of the Dili government are far more concerned over Australian indentations than they are over Jakarta's. Many believe that Australia and the U.S. are to some extent behind the crisis. Obviously such suspicions are rather bizarre and unlikely for the crisis is primarily internal.
However, the recent comments attributed to Mari Alkatiri are rather strange in light of the excellent relations between President Yudhoyono and President Xanana on the one hand, and Ramos Horta amicable relations with Hasan Wirajuda.
So far the comments attributed to Alkatiri have managed to offend Indonesia and damage its international reputation. These allegations have created tensions between the two countries in a period when Timor Leste needs the support and solidarity of its large neighbor.
Why would Timor Leste have any interest in doing such a thing, considering that under President Yudhoyono's administration relations have improve remarkably?
Relations between the two nations have improved beyond all expectations, and today the two countries enjoy friendly ties. Perhaps too friendly for the taste of some people.
Timor Leste seeks and wants a closer future with Southeast Asia's largest democracy and the nation with whom it shares so much in common. In the difficult days that both nations will have to face, it is imperative that our leaders and peoples are not manipulated for the benefit of others.
The writer is a graduate of Sydney University and is concluding his master's degree in strategic studies at the Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University Singapore. He was previously an advisor to the Timor Leste Defense Department. The views expressed here are those of the author.